Bahrain Mirror (Exclusive):

Tuesday, May 22, 2012

In the name of Alla, the most gracious and most merciful

Peace be upon you,

At the beginning, I would like to thank their Excellencies; the judges for allowing me to talk in this court and I hope they tolerate my words to explain my case background and aspects and defend myself.

One: Targeting me by the security authorities due to my authority-opposing political views:

I am a political activist opposing the authority in Bahrain. The authority targeted me because of my opposing views and peaceful demands of constitutional, legal, political, economic, social and educational reforms in Bahrain. I made a point to declare my views and announce them to the public, so I was monitored and harassed by the security authorities and I was imprisoned in the 1990s of the previous century for two times; the first was for 6 months, from March 17, 1995 to September 10, 1995, and the second was for 5 years, starting from January 14, 1996 to February 5, 2001, which I spent in solitary and semi-solitary confinement completely away from the other prisoners. This was under the penalties of the notorious state security law.

In the security stage that preceded the 14th February uprising, there was the case known as "The Terrorism Cell" and included 25 political and human rights activists, my name and photo were published by Al Watan Bahraini newspaper among lists of names and photos, however, I was not arrested due to reason unknown to me. Indeed, I was targeted, according to comments of lawyers of those detained figures during their interrogation; this information was relayed to me by some of the accused too. The detainees in this case were set free after 14th February uprising and then most of them got rearrested after 21 days of setting them free and were added to this group [the grouped being tried]. Personally, after 14th February uprising, the security authorities targeted me more because of the political support I showed to the uprising reform demands. It was honored to participate in the first demonstration on February 14, 2011 after the dawn prayer from Shaikh Ahmed mosque in Nuwaidrat to the roundabout of the main road in the village. People who participated in the demonstration asked for constitutional and political reforms. The demonstration was so civilized and peaceful through which none of the protestors or others threw even a stone at the riot police. On the other hand, the riot police used violence against the protestors that were among them children, women and old people. Bassiouni mentioned this demonstration in his report [BICI Report](paragraph 202).

Two: Texts from Bassiouni's Report about 14th February uprising:

Bassiouni mentioned in paragraph 640, "Chapter II, in presenting a brief historical review of Bahrain, identified some of the sources of popular discontent over the years. Many of the demands for political and socio-economic reforms voiced in February and March 2011 were not new."

In paragraph 641 he wrote, "Thus, what is generally called the Arab spring also had its impact in Bahrain. Though each Arab country has reacted differently, the Arab spring has stimulated pent up popular reactions and grievances in many Arab States, including Bahrain. Unlike earlier manifestations of unrest, the initial protests that began on 14 February were not orchestrated by institutionalized political opposition groups, but were triggered and led by networks of discontented and politically unaffiliated youth, but only felt angry concerning the country conditions."

The report says in the same paragraph, "Furthermore, the demands raised during the protests that began on 14 February enjoyed, at least initially, a large degree of popular support that crossed religious, sectarian and ethnic lines."

In paragraph 642 he said, "The roots of what started on 14 February go back to the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s. During each of these decades, even before the appearance of social media, people demonstrated for what they believed to be their political, economic and social rights. During the beginning of the events in Bahrain, as during the past decades, the demand was for reforms, not for regime change. This was the same in the early stages of the demonstrations and protests in Tunisia, Egypt, Syria and Yemen. But as experience shows, when demands for reforms are rebuffed, the demands become for regime change. In the end, the society becomes both polarized and radicalized."

In paragraph 650 the report adds, "Despite escalating their demands and expanding the locations of their demonstrations, the protestors remained peaceful."
In paragraph 661 the report states, "Police confrontations with the demonstrators and the apparent unwillingness of the GoB to address popular demands, added to the anger on the streets and resulted in more violent confrontations between demonstrators and security forces."

My comment:

These texts, sirs, prove the deep-rooted fair protests and demands in Bahrain and that they belong to previous periods and the 14th February uprising was peaceful. It also blames the authority for the escalation in both the violence and the public demands and proves that the political forces bear no responsibility of incitement. That includes this group too, that subsequently drops its fake charges of organizing the protests and instigating violence to topple the regime.
Three: The violent arrest "From the arrest moment to the unknown detention center"

On March 17, 2011, late in the night and before dawn, I got arrested. It was a violent arrest, where the forces broke the outer door of my house and passed through it. They aggressively knocked at my internal door and frightened everyone at the house. They tried to break it, but I managed to open it before they did. Once I opened the door, masked men started hitting me; they dragged me behind the door and kept on hitting and kicking me by their boots. They also hit my head to the wall, which caused a wound in the left part of my forehead. My blood stained my clothes. They, moreover, blindfolded me and tied my hands to the back with a wire. I was then taken to a small civilian car parking in a near place to my house. I was hit and kicked until they forcibly entered me to the car and put me in the back seat where I was flanked by one to my left and another to my right. These two were performing their mission in hitting and insulting me. I stayed in the car for about an hour long and then was taken to an unknown place.

In the way, I was hit and insulted inside the car. They did not forget to insult me as a person, my family, my wife, my mother, my daughters, my sect and my religious symbols. Bader Al Gaith, the first lieutenant in Bahrain's National Security Agency, as I knew during his testimony in the military court about arresting the rights activist Abdulhadi al-Khawaja, was a member in this group that took control to arrest me too. He hit me and said, "This is for the king, this is for the PM, this is for the minister of defense, and this is for the minister of the interior and so on..."

They continued hitting me until they got me down from the car in a place that is still unknown to me up to this moment. As they got me down from the car they threw me on the ground and gathered to kick me by their boots. One of them repeated his words, "Hadn't we had orders, he wouldn't have left his house alive." After that, I was entered to "the place", and I was sat in a chair for more than an hour to be taken later on to a person who said that he was "good". While my eyes were blindfolded and my hands were tied to the back, he asked me some questions about my health then placed me again, I guess, in that same chair. After some time, they took me to the sink, untied my hands, they removed the blindfold off my eyes and asked me to wash the blood on my face and to take my blood stained clothes off. They dressed me a policeman's Arabic cloth, retook me to the same car - I guess- and gathered kicking me. I was placed in the car and just as the first time surrounded by one to my left and another to my right. During the way, they kept on beating me, while Bader Al Gaith sitting in the front seat saying upon each hit or slap: "This is for the king, this for the PM, this is for the minister of defense and this is for the minister of interior and so on..."

Those accompanying Bader Al Gaith were commenting and laughing on each slap and hit saying, "this is rough and this is rougher." "Do you want to change the regime?" I was driven to a room that seemed to be from its furniture a hospital room. My wounds were treated there, then they took me to the prison and placed me in a cell in an ward that included none but one detainee who was put in the ward first cell. They threw me in the last cell and the ward contained only two persons; Mr. Hasan Mushaima as I knew later on and me. We were in Qurain military prison, Ward 3.

Four: Destroying the house, terrorizing my family, stealing money and properties.

I later on knew that during the hour I was kept in the car nearby my home after my arrest, the forces were searching my house. Of course it was not a regular search but revenge. They destroyed my house and its content, stole the money and private properties such as: video camera of around BHD 1800 (around US$ 4,700), a watch, rings, cell phones, laptops, computers, electronic devices, speakers for the hall in my house, identity documents, and private documents. They forced my wife to open the safe and leave the bedroom. She discovered after they had left that they had stolen an amount not less than BHD 1300 (around US$ 3,400), my two briefcases, private documents, my watch, two expensive rings; one of agate and the other of gemstone, my wallet; including a lot of cards, my medicine bag, and some small medical equipment.

They put my family members in the dining room and started searching the house without any supervision or accountability. We do not know what they really took. They took many things from my office- I do not know yet what those things were. In the military prosecution they only presented to me a notebook with some notes, 6 cell phones, 5 laptops, and 3 desktops. From the above things, I only owned the notebook, a cell phone and one laptop and the others were for my family. This was written in the minutes. During my interrogation in the military prosecution they did not present to me those other things or a list of many items; which proves that they were not related to the case I was arrested for. The judge ordered to confiscate all seized items presented to me in the military prosecution, although most of them were for my family and had nothing to do with me or my arrest. Because they took my daughter's laptop and desktop, Hawraa's graduation was delayed for one more semester, because the laptop contained her graduation project which she could not do again due to lack of time. Moreover, those forces hit my daughter Aqeela with their riffle buts and threw my son Ahmed to his room's floor and stepped on him with their feet during the whole time they spent searching his room. It is worth mentioning that those forces arrested me and searched my house without even presenting to me a search or arrest warrant.

Five: Texts from Bassiouni's Report about arrest:

In paragraph 1704: Between 21 March and 15 April 2011, security forces systematically raided houses in order to arrest individuals, and in so doing terrified the occupants. These arrests were performed during the night and in pre-dawn raids by hooded persons, who intentionally broke down doors, forcibly entered and sometimes ransacked the houses. This practice was often accompanied by sectarian insults and verbal abuse. In many of the reported cases, the women were asked to stand in their sleeping clothes, thus humiliating the women and other relatives present, and terrifying the children. The arrested persons were taken blindfolded to places of detention that at the time were unknown to the arrested persons. The pattern of these arrests indicated the existence of an operational plan which involved personnel from all government agencies.

In paragraph 1124 the report adds: These arrests evidence a pattern of behavior by the involved agencies that were designed to inspire terror in the arrested persons, members of the family and inhabitants of the household. Moreover, this pattern also evidences a practice of destruction and seizure of private property.
In paragraph 1178 it says: In conclusion, the Commission finds that a substantial number of the arrests made pursuant to the pattern described above violated international human rights law and Bahraini law.

In 1179 it says: Furthermore, the very fact that a systematic pattern of behavior existed indicates that this is how these security forces were trained and how they were expected to act. This could not have happened without the knowledge of higher echelons of the command structure of the MoI and NSA.

Torture and Terror Practices:

Sometimes they moved metallic objects on the prison bars and other times they suddenly threw metallic objects from a faraway place to scare us. They did theseactions silently as ghosts, while these actions continued nonstop until dawn, they stopped at the dawn praying time and proceeded after the praying until the early morning when the light slightly reached the ward. During the day, I was beaten and insulted. At night they used to suddenly wake me up in different times. This could happen several times within one night. Despite my deteriorating health, they used to ask me to stand turning my face to the wall; raising my hands up for a long time and to turn around myself sometimes. They poured water on me until my body, clothes, bed and blanket soaked. Although the weather was very cold, the air coolers were turned on at their lowest temperature. This was done to me several times. In addition, I was beaten many times and was prohibited to have a shower for more than 10 days until my health deteriorated and I needed special health care. They ordered me to use the toilet with its door open under the supervision of the guards. They showered me with verbal abuses and insults to my rituals, sect and religious figures, and spoke badly about my family. Furthermore, they forced me to kiss the masked men hands and feet, the king's, PM's, and Saudi King's photos. Masked men spit in my mouth many times and forced me to swallow their spits. If I refused to obey they orders, they hit me cruelly. This bad situation lasted until June 10. Bassiouni's Report documented my state. (State 4, page 458. The Second Appendix. Testimonies' Summaries.)

The (KING)'s Fake representative:

It is worth mentioning that I was taken from the military prison twice at night to an unknown place to meet someone called Shaikh Saqr Bin Khalifa Al khalifa who said that he represented the king to meet me. He asked me to send an apology letter to the king for my own sake, as he said. I refused to do so saying I have done nothing wrong! The military prosecution investigated me and I was judged before the military court. Nonetheless, we had a deal at the end of our meeting which was to send a televised message to the king about the dialogue after the first military court hearing. In the first night after the second military court hearing, I was taken to the same place to meet the same person, Shaikh Saqr bin Khalifa Al-Khalifa. I recorded a televised message to the king, according to our deal, about the dialogue; its text is found with the lawyer. Shaikh Saqr asked me then to repeat what I have already said in front of the general prosecution to record and upload it. I completely refused and said that the general prosecution has already investigated me and finished its investigation, I presented before the military court and I refused any further investigation. He got mad upon hearing my refusal and mistreated me. On my way back to the prison, I heard from the torturers what I have never ever heard in my life; they insulted my mother, wife and daughters. They also repeated that they wanted to have sex with them because according to them Mut'ah (Shia temporary marriage) is allowed in the Shiite practices and that most of the Shiites are Mut'ah sons. They cursed my sect and religious figures. I recited everything to the general prosecution and I blame the responsibility on them for this incident because I was under their supervision in Qurain prison. The military prosecution absolutely knows where I was driven and also knows the fake representative that met me, who with the torturers mistreated and violated me as I described.

Seven: Texts from Bassiouni's Repot about torturing and mistreating the detainees:

In the paragraph 1238 the report says, "The physical and psychological treatment described above evidences a deliberate practice of mistreatment on the part of the NSA and the MoI. In some cases this practice was aimed at extracting confessions and statements by duress, while in other cases such mistreatment was intended for the purposes of retribution and punishment. On the basis of the Commission's investigation and particularly the forensic medical reports, it finds that the NSA and MoI followed a systematic practice of physical and psychological mistreatment, which in many cases amounted to torture, with respect to a large number of detainees in their custody."

In 1230 it says, "The information received from different sources, particularly from interviews with individuals claiming to have suffered mistreatment and other forms of physical and psychological abuse while in state custody, indicates clear patterns of behavior by certain government agencies. There was a more discernible pattern of mistreatment with regard to certain categories of detainees, including some of the medical personnel arrested in connection with the events at SMC603 and the 14 political leaders held at Al Qurain Prison. In many of these cases, the purpose of mistreatment was to obtain statements or confessions incriminating the detainee in question. In other cases, the purpose was to obtain statements from the detainee with a view to using the statements against other individuals."
The report pointed at this group in numerous paragraphs; paragraphs 1185, 1187, 1188, 1204 and others.

In 1243 it says, "The recent recurrence of many of the violations identified by the Committee against Torture may indicate that prison officials are being guided by a similar set of practices, or even policies, as existed in the past. This indicates a systemic problem, which can only be addressed on a systemic level."

Paragraph 1240: "The Commission notes a number of statements by detainees consistently showing that those inflicting mistreatment expected impunity. The Commission is of the view that the lack of accountability of officials within the security system has led to a culture of impunity, whereby security officials have few incentives to avoid mistreatment of prisoners or to take action to prevent mistreatment by other officials. In the light of this culture of impunity, the Commission acknowledges the immense courage that was required for the victims of torture and mistreatment to report their experiences to Commission investigators."
Eight: Texts form Bassiouni's Report about the prosecution-judge collaboration

Paragraph 1241: "The Commission received evidence indicating that, in some cases, judicial and prosecutorial personnel may have implicitly condoned this lack of accountability."

Paragraph 1698: "The Commission received evidence indicating that, in some cases, judicial and prosecutorial personnel may have implicitly condoned this lack of accountability."

Paragraph 1247: "In the light of the "pattern of impunity" for torture and mistreatment in the past, the appropriate prosecution should be initiated with a view to ensuring punishment consistent with the gravity of the offence."

Paragraph 1246: "The Commission recommends that all allegations of torture and similar treatment be investigated by an independent and impartial body, following the Istanbul Principles.616The investigation should be capable of leading to the prosecution of the perpetrators, both direct and at all levels of responsibility."

Paragraph 1716: "To establish a national independent and impartial mechanism to determine the accountability of those in government who have committed unlawful or negligent acts resulting in the deaths, torture and mistreatment of civilians with a view to bringing legal and disciplinary action against such individuals, including those in the chain of command, military and civilian, who are found to be responsible under international standards of "superior responsibility"."

Paragraph 1722-a: "To conduct effective investigations in accordance with the Principles on the Effective Prevention and Investigation of Extra-Legal, Arbitrary and Summary Executions of all the deaths that have been attributed to the security forces. Likewise, all allegations of torture and similar treatment be investigated by an independent and impartial body, following the Istanbul Principles. The investigation of both types of alleged violation should be capable of leading to the prosecution of the implicated individuals, both direct and at all levels of responsibility, with a view to ensuring that punishment be consistent with the gravity of the offence."

Paragraph 1722-f: "To train the judiciary and prosecutorial personnel on the need to ensure that their activities contribute to the prevention and eradication of torture and ill-treatment."

My Comment:

I hope these courts and prosecution members take into consideration Bassiouni's Report recommendations that their jobs be contributory factor to prevent and remove torture and mistreatment through invalidating false accusations. This act is out of the profession's honor and conscience actions. Moreover, I wish they take the needed measures to call those responsible for torturing and mistreating the prisoners and detainees to bring them to account, in addition, to commence suitable tribunals for the involved people including those in leadership, whether civilians or militaries, matching the right penalty with the gravity of the offence.

Nine: The military Prosecution forges unreal charges against us

The military prosecution totally ignored all of the bad conditions and mistreatment I was subjected to inside the prison; including being along with the whole group members, intensely beaten in the military court building, despite the fact that we were under the supervision of Al Qurain Prison. Adding to that, they forged unreal charges against me that were not related to my sayings during their investigation, for the people accused with the coup charge are different group that does not exist but in the military prosecution's imagination. These group members and others who are standing before the court have different ideological, mental, social and organizational affiliations (Al Wafa party, Haq movement, National liberation Front, Wa'ad, Amal, right activists and independents) and others whom I did not know before. As for the spying charge, it was too silly to respond to and I will only respond to the charges of organizing, spying and toppling the regime as said in the court of cassation. I leave the legal defense for these charges and other fabricated ones done by the military prosecution to the esteemed lawyer.

Ten: Texts from Bassiouni's Report about the military prosecution role:

Paragraph 1701: "Numerous violations of due process rights were recorded by the Commission. This was partially due to the absence of a statute identifying the exact powers to be exercised by the Government during a State of National Safety. In addition, it appears that the Military Attorney General chose to rely on those statutory provisions that were the least favorable to the arrested persons and to the defendants appearing before the National Safety Courts. The latter courts were exceptional tribunals consisting of a presiding military judge and two civilian judges."

Paragraph 1702: "It is clear that the National Safety Decree, as implemented by the Military Attorney General, overtook the national system of justice. A pattern of due process violations occurred at the pre-trial and trial levels that denied most defendants elementary fair trial guarantees."

Eleven: Fair trial right breaches:

Fair trial conditions were not available in the military court that tried us, for it ignored the legal fault in the arrest procedures and what we have suffered of torture and mistreatment. It also ignored the legal fault of the military prosecution investigations with us. Moreover, it cancelled trials and proceeded in them very hastily. We were under the effect of military police terrorism in all the trials that brutally beat us just because we screamed in the court "peaceful, peaceful... people ask for freedom". We were not allowed to utter a word in the trials, and the lawyers were not given a chance of oral advocacy. The military court issued tyrant verdicts against us based on different and unreal charges pursuant to false evidence. However, many defendants were subjected to military prosecution investigation.

Twelve: Texts from Bassiouni's Report about the breaching of fair trials rules

Commenting on articles (165, 168, 289, 179, and 180) of Bahrain penal code, Bassiouni said in his paragraph 1279, "The Commission considers that the GoB used these articles to punish those in the opposition and to deter political opposition."

Paragraph 1700, "A large number of individuals were prosecuted before the National Safety Courts and imprisoned for violating articles 165, 168, 169, 179 and 180 of the Bahrain Penal Code in connection with the events of February/March 2011. The textual ambiguity of these provisions and the way that they were applied raises questions about their conformity with international human rights law and with the Constitution of Bahrain."

Paragraph 1280, "In the light of the way that these provisions have been applied in Bahrain, the Commission has a number of concerns about their conformity with international human rights law and with the Constitution of Bahrain."

Paragraph 1679, "These forced confessions have been used in criminal proceedings, either in the special courts established pursuant to the National Safety Decree or, in some cases, in the ordinary criminal courts."

My Comment:

Bassiouni's committee recorded several breaches to the conditions and rules of fair trials before and after trials responding to the military prosecution, general prosecution, military court and ordinary court to the government's policy and direction to punish and oppress its politically opposing groups.

Accepting Bassiouni's Report means invalidating all the provisions issued from those courts and immediate release of all the detainees punished by the government through its judiciary bodies that lack independency and impartiality. The government has officially accepted Bassiouni's Report and announced to the public and international community its commitment to implement all the recommendations. Nonetheless, the government did not fulfill its obligations and that's why we are being tried here against the law.

Thirteen: Bassiouni's Report recommendation in invalidating the convictions

The report recommended in paragraph 1720, "To make subject to review in ordinary courts all convictions and sentences rendered by the National Security Courts where fundamental principles of a fair trial, including prompt and full access to legal counsel and inadmissibility of coerced testimony, were not respected be subject to full review in the ordinary courts."

Paragraph 1291, "The Commission recommends that all persons charged with offences involving political expression, not consisting of advocacy of violence, have their convictions reviewed and sentences commuted or, as the case may be, outstanding charges against them dropped." (1722- H).

Fourteen: My choice to establish a republican regime

In the light of events development and martyrs as a result of the police and army violence and the automatic escalation of the public demand from a regime-reform to a regime-downfall, I politically adopted the choice of establishing a republican regime. This is listed under my freedom of expression and speech supported by the international charters and Bahrain Constitution. Bassiouni assures this right in his report (paragraph 1281), "Article 165 of the Penal Code was applied in a way that infringes upon the freedoms of opinion and expression by excluding from the public debate opinions that express opposition to the existing system of government in Bahrain, as well as opinions that call for any peaceful change in the structure or system of government or for regime change." I've never called for violence; on the contrary the peaceful approach was always my choice. I was the most who theorized and called for peaceful approach in Bahrain. My writings, books and website (that the government unfairly closed) prove the peaceful approach I called for. The judicial court refused the lawyer's demand in reopening my website to make use of the information found in it to defend me. I adopted referring to the public will to choose the political regime and committing to the people's respected will.

Messages to choose the republican regime:

My choice of establishing a republican regime held a number of primary political messages which I still assure:

1- The regime that has no ability to: renew itself, comprehend the century's developments, upgrade to the level of the people's future ambitions through effective constitutional foundation, has no viability to stay and continue.

2- The government that feuds half or more of its people cannot maintain security and stability in the county. It cannot also maintain justice in all legal, political, economic, social, and other aspects and cannot be relied upon to maintain the nation's interests.

3- People are the source of legitimacy of regime and authority. The regime and government have to come out from the nation's will and choice. Moreover, the people have the right to change the regime and government once they find that they do not represent the nation's will and choice and do not guarantee their interests, through free and fair election. The authority, on the other hand, must respect the people's will in all circumstances and times for their sake and must not discriminate on the basis of religion, sect, race, political or organizational affiliation or others. Furthermore, it must not judge its people by force, terror or fait accompli.

4- Freedom, democracy and peaceful transfer of power are the alternative to the police and armed forces violence. Once freedom, democracy and peaceful transfer of power disappear, they would be replaced by state terror in culture, politics, media and law, and police and armed forces violence to suppress the opposition and halt protests demanding reform and rights. That leads to insecurity and instability. Progress and prosperity chances fade. The constitutional institutions change to ineffective sham institutions and a means to embed dictatorship, tyranny, legitimatizing oppression and human right breaches and discrimination among the people.

Conclusion:

I am keen to express my opinion to the extent I see it as right and correct and falls within the people's interest. This is not a crime in the light of rights state and good governance; however, it is considered a crime in the dictatorship regimes and tyrant governments. I do not care if I would be severely punished due to practicing my right of freedom of expression, for activists are forced to pay dearly for freedom, equality, pride and dignity in the dictatorship regimes and tyrant governments. I know about the political and media incitement against this group and other activists. Moreover, I am aware of the message that was sent by the judges to the national dialogue conference where they complained that they had no enough independency. I also stood upon what came in Bassiouni's Report about the breaches in Bahraini legislations and the role of the general prosecution and courts in passing the regime policy and contributing in suppressing and punishing the opposition. However, this did not stop me and will not stop me to clearly express my opinion. The government has to implement Bassiouni's Report recommendations, according to the equality rules and Bassiouni's Report, which the government accepted and committed to in front of the public and international society. Moreover, according to his report, the members of this group, I and other prisoners and activists have to enjoy our freedom outside the prison and we have to practice our national role in development and reform. In addition, the political, security and high military leaders, prosecution members and judges who committed crimes toward the innocent people must be in prison.

I say: if the general prosecution enjoys enough independency and wants to call the coup plotter for account as it is supposed to, then it must call the authority figures for account; the figures who made the August coup in 1975 which suspended the constitution's articles and the parliamentary life. They were two coup actions that the authority figures opposed the constitution, implemented the notorious state security law, imprisoned people arbitrarily, tortured people, committed illegal killing due to torture inside and outside prisons then who made the 2002 February coup which caused the abolition of constitution, violating the national action charter and reneging on pledges that they committed to the opposition figures, enforcing ineffective mock parliament, and entered the country into a constitutional, political and security crisis which 14th February uprising and the current conditions are considered some of their dangerous consequences.

Thank God.
The prisoner of conscience, Abdulwahab Hussain
Tuesday, April 22, 2012
Bahrain, Ministry of justice, The Supreme Court of Appeals.