Bahrain Mirror (Exclusive): Bahrain Mirror Publishes the full text of Sheikh Ali Salman's Plea, which he was prevented from entering in the last court hearing.

Bahrain's opposition leader and Secretary General of Al-Wefaq National Islamic Society, Sheikh Ali Salman, called on the Bahraini King, Hamad bin Isa Al-Khalifa, and his family to turn to the people in order to rid the country of its crisis.

Sheikh Salman is awaiting the court's verdict against him to be delivered on Tuesday (June 16, 2015), as he is facing four charges, particularly "promoting the overthrow and change of the political regime by force".

In his lengthy plea that was supposed to be entered in court on Wednesday (May 20, 2015), Sheikh Salman stated: "We have tried the cooperative and creative spirit resulting from the agreement and strived for democracy in 2001.If we had continued with this agreement and efforts towards establishing a democratic constitutional monarchy, we would have spared Bahrain from the current political and security crisis and Bahrain."

Addressing Bahrain's king, Sheikh Salman stressed: "From this courtroom, I call on the King of Bahrain to turn to the people as he did in 2001. A ruler becomes honorable, dignified and respected by his people".

The following is Sheikh Ali Salman's plea which he was prevented from entering in court, as the judge presiding over the court angrily interrupted Sheikh Salman a few minutes after he began speaking:

In the Name of God, Most Gracious, Most Merciful

May the peace, mercy, and blessings of Allah be upon you

(O my Lord! Open for me my chest* And ease my task for me* And make loose the knot from my tongue* That they understand my speech)

Since the charges raised against me are based on the speeches that I've delivered, which are linked to the political situation in the country, then my case isn't disconnected from our political reality, which I interact with and address through my words.

(I only desire (your) betterment to the best of my power; and my success (in my task) can only come from Allah. In Him I trust, and unto Him I look)

Realistic Examination is a necessity

Examining reality as it is, no matter how bitter and how harsh is necessary for approaching it. Without examination, it will be impossible to approach reality.

Thus, I have divided my plea into an introduction, eight chapters, and a conclusion, highlighting it briefly and leaving out the details addressed in the written plea and to be addressed by the esteemed lawyers in their verbal and written pleadings.

Historical Overview

The people of Bahrain had started uprisings and revolutions in 1919, 1923, 1938, 1954, 1965, 1971, 1972, 1994, leading up to the popular movement that erupted in 2011.

Most of these popular uprisings and movements called for the people's right to take part in governing the country. With the constant refusal, this demand was renewed as was the case of the February 14, 2011 events, which took place during the eruption of popular movements calling for freedom, democracy and justice in the west and east of our Arab world.

The Bahraini people demand what any decent human being would demand that is freedom, equality, social justice and good democratic governance within a constitutional monarchy as the National Action Charter stated.

Those demanding reform were determined to do so by peaceful means and adhered to a nonviolent approach in their struggle. If a small group and minority violated this nonviolent principle for any reason whatsoever, it doesn't change the fact that the vast majority of the people demanding reform are doing so by peaceful and legitimate means, in accordance with international standards and conventions which Bahrain signed, and thus became a part of our legal binding system, mainly the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). Also, the Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry (BICI) headed by Professor Mahmoud Cherif Bassiouni clearly stated in its report that the movement in February 14, 2011 and what followed was a pure national Bahraini popular movement and that Iran had no involvement in it. The BICI report also declared that it's a legitimate movement calling for legitimate demands.

2. The problem Bahrain is facing, as I see it, is a traditional problem that various nations suffered from without exception and the people dealt with it in different ways, until they attained real stability and established a state of freedom, justice, equality, democracy and good governance. This problem is the "monopoly of power" by a limited group of people, as it deprives the people of their right to peaceful transfer of power. Wherever this problem is found, there will be political and economic unrest and disturbances in national security whether this nation facing this problem believes in a revealed religion or not; and whether it is a Christian or Muslim nation.

The monopoly of power is the root cause of other problems in the country. By reviewing our modern political and historical reality and by referring to the disputable 2002 constitution, it will be clear that our political system combines both the legislative and executive powers in one individual which contradicts with the principle of separation of powers. The constitution, law and reality we are living in reveals as well that the people's will has no actual role; there is no clear picture of the people's sovereignty in all government institutions and all the titles and roles are nothing but nominal forms lacking substance. I say this because I am well aware of our constitutional reality, since I have been actively involved in politics for over twenty years and have assumed different positions, including a membership in the parliament. The parliament is toothless and incapable of passing or rejecting any law if those in power don't agree and it is incapable of supervising the executive authority.

This is what the BICI report concluded and stated in its introduction about Bahrain's political situation in the report's second chapter, which some of its conclusions  I have mentioned in the written plea. It is the outcome which any analyst of the constitutional and legal situation will reach. It is even very obvious that any average person would realize its reality.

What applies to the parliament applies to the rest of the official institutions and positions, and it even applies to civil society institutions.

By taking into consideration the responsibilities that the 2002 constitution granted the king and realizing who is in fact in charge of governing the country's main political, executive, security-related and judicial affairs, and also by revealing the "information about the regime", any sane person will realize the truth that I am speaking of, which is the lack of a modern state that is distant from the constitutional monarchy we were promised after the National Charter Referendum that took place in 2001.

3. The monopoly of power led to countless problems and was the cause of most of the people's sufferings. The monopoly of power resulted in a number of problems. I will briefly cite some:

- Discrimination among citizens on grounds of religious sect and tribe: It is a problem that leaves catastrophic and tragic impacts on society that I have mentioned in detail in the written plea.

- Naturalization: It is a problem limited to Bahrain as to my knowledge; it is the only country, let alone the Israeli entity, which grants citizenships to foreigners. This is considered a political fight against its own citizens as Bahrain is listed among the most densely populated countries in the world and has always complained about the lack of resources and uses it as an excuse for the degradation of health, educational and housing services provided for its citizens.

- Failure to diversify the sources of national revenue: Despite discovering oil eighty years ago and exporting it, it still represents 86% of the national state budget resources for 2014.

- Failure to increase the income of the Bahraini citizen and unequal distribution of wealth among citizens: This resulted in the fading of the middle class which existed in the 1970s and 1980s and led to a wide limited-income class (the poor) and small filthy rich class from the public money.

- Increase of public debt and its growth over the years until it reached 44% of the Gross Domestic Product: It began to pose a threat to our financial future, especially that if the borrowing continues at this pace, then the public debt will exceed 60% of the GDP in 2018. This percentage is considered to be a financial risk which will affect the country's financial ratings and its ability to raise loans from international financial institutions.

- Failure to provide service compatible with our economic affluence and resources for the citizens in the fields of education, housing, health, and infrastructure.

Moreover, some of the problems include the dominance of a security-oriented state, the ineffectiveness of free civil society in all the aspects of civil society activities, violation of human rights by depriving the people of freedoms of expression and association, passing legislations and applying laws that do not conform with international standards, although Bahrain ratified a number of treaties, mainly the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

-Widespread human rights violations some of which cited in the BICI report, Geneva recommendations, reports by human rights organizations and High Commissioner for Human Rights and a number of reports by foreign ministries of democratic governments.

- Absence of freedom of media and press: It is suffice to say that our country was ranked as 178 among countries around the world in 2014, as our government refused to implement the BICI recommendation to open the gates of official television and radio media outlets for opposition members, yet harassed them even more.

Amid the absence of an elected government and lack of real government accountability, financial and administrative corruption spread through government institutions. The financial control report only tackles some minor issues, yet it gives a clear overview of the level of financial and administrative corruption in the country. There is also the encroachment of public money by turning public lands to private ownership without putting even one dinar in the state treasury over the past decades, and the possession of public coast lands, as the Mackenzie Report stated that the available public coast lands amount to 3%.

Poverty has spread in Bahrain, as most of the families in the kingdom have "limited income". Unemployment has spread as well among the citizens of Bahrain amid the presence of foreign labor which represents more than 70% of the labor market, which constitutes a strange and aberrant situation of the unemployment phenomenon.

Although Bahrain and its noble people are one of the religious countries known for its adherence to Islam and morals, the government's policy has caused Manama to make the cut as the second most sinful cities in the world according to listdose.com which is specialized in posting lists, including the list of the top sin cities in the world.

Only one of these problems drives any honorable citizen who cares about his country and its people to stand against this and call for the reform of this awful reality which this nation is experiencing, let alone all the other problems. Thus, silence and indifference to this reality is considered a crime that goes against religious, moral, national, and human responsibility.

4. We highlighted some of the general disadvantages Bahrain and its people are suffering from in all aspects of life. Now, I will cite some of the measures taken against the citizens demanding reform, equality, democracy and justice.

- Discrimination against them in military and civil public sector jobs and depriving them of the chance to work in many ministries and sectors.

- Discrimination against them in the offering of scholarships, education opportunities and equalization of opportunities.

- Passing their names to a number of countries which deprived them of visiting these countries and of working and studying there.

- Difficulty in building places of worship, depriving them of their right to freedom of religion.

- Widespread unemployment among their youth.

- Poverty is in fact relatively more widespread among their ranks as a result of discrimination, oppression and police pursuits.

This caused fear and concern in their lives since the moment they are born until their death. More details are mentioned in the written plea.

5. For the sake of this, and as Allah the Most High orders as to do, I have addressed the high-ranking officials with decent words and good advice, mainly the king, crown prince and royal court minister, since 2001 after my return from London until the last days before my arrest.

I  have pointed out some of this advice in the written plea, in which the readers can take a look at a portion of the efforts in which I was clear and honest through special meetings, written letters, and general discourse when necessary.

In these recommendations, I cited the main problems the country is suffering from very clearly, some of which are:

- Need for a political agreement and a transition to a democratic constitutional monarchy.

- Need to stop discrimination and spread equality among citizens.

- Need for national reconciliation and joint work and cooperation in order to build our home country instead of this state of conflict between the people and the regime.

I have shown complete readiness to cooperate in order to achieve that. I have took practical steps for this purpose, some of which were our participation in the 2002 municipal election and the 2006 and 2010 parliamentary and municipal elections, our participation in all dialogues as well as open or closed door meetings we are called to join since 2011, and our attempts to make these meetings and dialogues succeed in order to reach a solution that will satisfy the Bahraini people's aspirations.

Despite what I heard of the senior officials' understanding of these problems and the promises they made to resolve them, reality took a completely different path.

From this courtroom, I call on the King of Bahrain to turn to the people as he did in 2001, for a ruler becomes honorable, dignified and respected by his people.

6. Facing this reality, the main demand today is to solve the main problem without delay, which is the "monopoly of power" by agreeing to a political development and reform that will enable the people of Bahrain to achieve  peaceful transfer of power by democratic means used nowadays and that the United Nations has added to its definition of democracy and good governance and placed it as one of its development objectives.

We believe that this transition cannot be achieved by force and cannot be stopped by force. As citizens of the same country, we are obligated to have a real and serious dialogue while considering that we are all equal human beings and citizens in order to discover the best ways to save our country from the crises it has been facing since decades ago and has intensified since 2011 and to find a national solution that would reflect our respect for each other and the accomplishment of our joint interest, as well as support our national unity and civil peace under a modern civil state that follows the humanitarian standards adopted today in the modern and civilized world.

This requires us to call for expediting the achievement of our people's interest, first, and our nation's interest, second, and pulling our country as much as possible away from the unrest and conflict in the region which will continue to intensify in the coming decade or two.

It is not shameful in order to reach this national solution to resort to the UN as a neutral and supporting party with experience attained through the aid that its various bodies offered to many nations to help reach an agreement on a safe and peaceful political transition process.

The solution to our main issue (the monopoly of power) and transition to good democratic governance, which will truly enable the people to take part in governing the country as the national charter stated, is a big contribution to resolving the resulting problems completely as well as the issue of discrimination and naturalization.

A security-oriented state will have many problems as a result of weak government performance and lack of parliamentary and popular supervision on government performance.

We have tried the cooperative and creative spirit resulting from the agreement and strived for democracy in 2001. This spirit and agreement have pushed Bahrain to make huge progress in various fields in just one year. Thanks to this one year, Bahrain gained more and more respect worldwide. If we had continued with this agreement and efforts towards establishing a democratic constitutional monarchy, we would have spared Bahrain from the current political and security crisis and Bahrain would have been the best Arab states, politically, economically, and socially.

We, as an opposition, presented a number of documents that would represent a starting point for discussing the required political solution, mainly the Manama Document, and its detailed content which I have presented in the dialogues that occurred between 2001-2014. These visions and demands that coincide with what was stated in the national charter that the people voted for, agree with the principles which the Crown Prince announced on March 13, 2011, and satisfy the people's aspirations following their movement in February 14, 2011 as well as the political developments that took place locally, regionally and internationally since 2001 until now, can be summarized with the following:

- Free and fair elections with equal votes without discrimination between citizens and under the supervision of a national independent and neutral committee as well as welcoming any international observers.

- Establishing an elected council to assume the legislative and supervisory power as in parliaments of democratic constitutional monarchies without giving the appointed Consultative (Shura) Council the right to veto the Bahraini people's legislative will which is represented in the elected council of the parliament.

- Electing a government that represents the people's will and granting it confidence by the parliament by the method adopted by established democratic monarchies.

- Establishing a just and administratively and financially independent judicial system not subject to any form of influence by a ruling or opposition political party.

- Allowing all Bahraini citizens without discrimination to join any security or administrative body and take part in establishing its doctrine, policy and programs to protect the country and its people.

- Agreeing to a national reconciliation that would compensate those who were harmed for their sufferings and allow the country to open a new chapter of joint national efforts based on national unity and civil peace and to fulfill the requirements of sustainable development.

I see that striving to fulfill these just and legitimate demands by peaceful means is a religious, national, humane and moral duty that cannot be overlooked since it would save the country and its people from the crisis their suffering from and since this reform, in my opinion, is the way towards achieving the interests of the Bahraini people in the present and future, as well as enabling the country to fulfill the requirements of development and establishing a modern state under a democratic constitutional monarchy as respected monarchies that never place the king and rule on one chair.

Therefore, I call in all families and tribes, especially the king's family to expedite the agreement and thus contribute in achieving this transition in a manner agreed by all parties.

I call for the continuation of the peaceful and popular strife until the dream of freedom, equality, democracy and social justice comes true.

The best and shortest ways to achieving this is a serious and honest dialogue based on good intentions by all parties and adhering to the peaceful popular strife until dawn breaks.

7. I believe that I wouldn't have been arrested or tried if the international standards of freedom of expression, which I haven't violated, were being adopted as well as the freedoms of association and peaceful assembly which I call for.

My trial is an act of retaliation against me because of my statements and peaceful political stances calling for equality of rights and duties among citizens.

It is also because of my call for developing the political system and the establishment of a democratic constitutional monarchy as respected democratic monarchies which we agreed on in the national charter.

It's also because I insisted that the Bahraini people should be the source of legislative and supervisory powers by an elected council, without the custodianship of the Consultative Council that has the right to veto the legislative will of the Bahraini people, as agreed upon in the charter.

It's also because of my call for an elected government that represents the will of the Bahraini people and my refusal of any government that doesn't represent the people's choice.

It's also because of my demand of implementing the first article of the constitution, subparagraph (d) which stipulates that "The system of government in Bahrain is democratic, under which sovereignty lies with the people, the source of all powers."

It's also because I refused to agree to what was called the Senate (A'yan) Document since it benefits the current situation by marginalizing the people and eliminating their will in governing public and state affairs.

It's also because I, as well as the rest of the national democratic parties, called for boycotting the sham elections held on November 22, 2014 since it will not result in councils with real authority.

It's also because they want to silence one of the voices of the people, demanding just and legitimate rights; intimidate national figures and forces by arresting and trying anyone who calls for rights even if it was by peaceful and legitimate means; crush these people's striving, enduring spirit determined to call of their rights peacefully; prevent the peaceful opposition calling for equality, democracy and justice from contacting the international community; and because the hardliners assuming official government positions who are the reason behind the arrests of the citizens of this country want this trial.

8. Remarks on the testimony of the only prosecution witness in this case who himself is the one who initiated the investigations

The respected attorneys will deal with this part of the legal plea and I have full confidence in what they present and what I mentioned here of my response to the four charges raised against me and the only witness testimony is only a simple complement to your efforts which I gratify.

The first charge: Advocating and promoting the overthrow and change of the political regime by force by illegitimate means and threatening to use force.

I say that I am with the reform and development of the regime to an established democratic constitutional monarchy and I haven't called for the overthrow of the regime nor will I ever attempt to do so.

I am as well with the peaceful approach as it is the only way this strife can fulfill our just and legitimate demands and I have denounced all forms and means of violence whether practiced by the authorities or any local or unknown group in accordance with the nonviolent approach I adopted in my political activism since 1992 and stressed on it in my latest address one day prior to my arrest.

I didn't find what the witness and the prosecution presented to be a proof of this claim and also the quotes used were taken out of their context and some statements were given meanings different from their actual content. If any honest person listens to the speeches, he will realize that it contains the opposite of the charge by 180 degrees, for it could be an example of the determination to use peaceful methods and call for reform and not what the witness claims. It is also even clearer and more accurate and comprehensive in the dignified defense team's plea.

I raise my voice to reiterate that I have been deprived of being granted the guarantees of a fair trial by the court and among these guarantees is allowing me to practice my right to a defense and refuting the accusations. Although the charges are linked to the speeches I had delivered, the court has prevented me, without any understandable justification, to present the documents and proof from the speeches that deny the charges and prove the opposite of what the general prosecution presented. Listening to only one speech will help unveil the weak links upon which the retaliatory lawsuit against me was based on. Reaching the truth requires enabling the defense team to present their documents and allow them to practice this right which, if disregarded, the trial would be lacking the basis of a fair trial.

As for the second charge it is: Inciting hatred against a certain sect of people, referring to the naturalized Bahrainis.

I say that over the past twenty years or more, I have only showed respect and love for all Bahraini citizens and residents whether I agree with them on their political stance or not and my statements about naturalization didn't contain any disrespect for the naturalized citizens even if I oppose the naturalization policy as all Bahraini citizens do.

It is very interesting to have my opposition to the inhumane methods used in dealing with the naturalization issue, as was the case in some countries, and my call for adopting a humane approach be portrayed as an incitement against a sect of people, while hate speeches against the national opposition and a certain sect of citizens that are widespread on the media are not considered to be an incitement of hatred and doesn't require legal procedures, reflecting a double-standard in implementing the law.

The third charge:  Inciting others to disobey the law by calling for protests and calling on the members of the Islamic Council of Scholars to carry on their religious work.

The laws that must be followed concerning the charge about the protests include the international law which should be given the priority if it contradicted with the domestic law and this isn't something I made up, but what the President of the Supreme Judicial Council and Head of the Cassation Court Chancellor Salim bin Mohammed Al Kuwari decided.

My speeches didn't trespass any of the rights stated in the domestic law, although I have some reservations about a number of Bahraini laws, including the regulation of gatherings act.

The charge raised against me concerning the Islamic Council of Scholars is based on the fact that I called on the religious scholars to perform the Congregational Prayer, organize religious study circles and have a presence in the society in order to solve the people's problems, and is considered a violation of the law. I ask all Muslims across the world from this courtroom, is it imaginable to consider the perform the Imamate of the Congregational Prayer an incitement of crime and violation of law??!! This is the charge raised against me in this court.

The details and statements that clarify this can be found in the written plea in our response refuting the third charge and the defense team will present further details.

The fourth charge: Insulting a state institution that is the ministry of interior.

I say that my statements about the interior ministry or other institutions are nothing more than stating some facts that the ministry itself doesn't deny, for the ministry admitted that one of its former employees joined The Islamic State in Iraq and Greater Syria (ISIS) later and that some of its employees beat detainees to death. It tried them and issued sentences against them, and even though they were reduced sentences, they are enough to prove my statements about abuse against prisoners.

When the interior ministry conducts investigations about the excessive use of force by some of its officers, refers them to the prosecution and then issues sentences against some of them, it proves the validity of my statements that the ministry of interior through some of its members used excessive and unnecessary force that led to death. What I said about the ministry was just small portion of what was stated in the BICI report headed by Professor Mahmoud Cherif Bassiouni and ratified by the king who agreed to everything it included and promised to implement its recommendations.

The charge raised against me can be applied to Mr. Bassiouni as well as all the reports issued by the US and British foreign ministries, human rights organizations, and UN special rapporteurs. They all criticized the Bahraini interior ministry, and said exactly what I stated in my speeches, so how can any wise person accept that??!!

I only mentioned some of what Mr. Bassiouni extensively reported about the violations of the interior ministry. So I hope the readers review it and look into its details in the written plea, so that they could make sure that my statements were nothing but a little sample of what Bassiouni mentioned and what the king and government ratified.

In my response to the only witness testimony and who filed the investigative report in his testimony that he made in the general prosecution on January 17, 2015, I cited more than 30 quotes that prove this testimony is a clear attempt to incriminate me and retaliate against me, as it is based on intentionally cutting off parts from my speeches and taking them out of context changing the meaning completely, such as omitting the word "not" intentionally from expressions changing them like "I am talking about military force" in a speech delivered on October 15, 2014. This was being used as the biggest proof of my calls to use military force and threaten to use it. This was also used in the expressions "We will pay back twofold", "the military option was presented to us" and "we were offered to adopt the Syrian opposition approach".

The expression "We will pay back twofold" was taken out of its context, as the meaning was to take part in peaceful protests to call for our just and legitimate rights.

The expression "the military option was presented to us" was taken out of context as well as I stated before and after it that we refused this option under the leadership of Sheikh Isa Qassem and insisted on following our peaceful choice.

We also refused to follow suit the Syrian opposition by resorting to the military option and we were determined to remain supporters of the peaceful approach. This changed the meaning of my statements completely.

These are the most important charges based on the call to overthrow the regime and threats to use force.

3-Linking a number of general words that were cut out to explanations and interpretations that are very distant from the actual meaning, like the word "change" in my address during Sitra rally on May 3rd, 2013, saying that it means overthrowing the regime opposed to its clear context which is calling for change and reform.

4-Fabricating false accusations and tracing it back to me. These expressions were never stated in my addresses but rather the contrary, such as (calling for an Islamic republic) and supporting demonstrations he (the witness) described as military parades.

5-Claiming that he (the witness) knows my hidden intentions as opposed to my spoken words.

6-The witness's statements also show that he considers the popular peaceful movement on February 14, 2011 and its continuation to be nothing but a conspiracy to overthrow the regime, disregarding that the king, crown prince, the BICI report and the whole world acknowledged this peaceful movement calling for legitimate demands.

If a small group in this public movement violated its principles, this doesn't mean that it is no longer a peaceful movement that everyone has admitted, starting with the king.

In addition to the defense I stated in my written plea I included:

1-My response to the charges raised against me by the general prosecution and my answers to all the general prosecution's questions which are attached to the documents of this case, so you can find my answers there

2-My comments that I delivered orally in the first hearing and then written and signed in the second hearing

To end my plea, I say...

We don't live today in an isolated island, the world has become a small village. The international community should back Bahrain and help its government and people to have a transition towards good governance and achieving equality, democracy and social justice.

I call on all the tribes, sects and political parties to work on accomplishing this transition and cooperate in this regard, as well as agree on this transition by a national, serious and sincere dialogue based on mutual respect, common humanity and equal citizenship in rights and duties.

I reiterate my call to continue this popular peaceful movement, demanding necessary, just and legitimate rights and adhering to international standards and conventions by preserving our national unity and civil peace, protecting the demonstrators and security forces from harm and protecting the private and public properties and other people's rights.

Let our activism and movement be based on love, and goodness by wishing all citizens of this country the best and avoiding some people's mentality and personal interests. I send my thanks to all those who supported my cause inside and outside Bahrain. I hope they will back the Bahraini people until they achieve their just and legitimate rights. I truly believe that the demands of the Bahraini people to achieve equality, freedom, social justice and democracy are just and that the fulfillment of these demands is needed for the interest of Bahrain. I am also absolutely confident that these demands are divine laws that shall be achieved this day or the next. I strive to have these demands fulfilled through agreement between all parties by a serious, sincere national dialogue.

By having faith in Allah and being sincere in my intentions and work, I shall continue with the people of my country and all the good people of the world our peaceful strife until we reach freedom, equality and democracy in Bahrain in order to have this country and its people enjoy a stable present and promising future full of tranquillity for all the Bahraini people and I shall only trust in Allah and invoke Him for aid.

I wouldn't have been arrested if the international standards and conventions that we ratified were being followed to guarantee the right to freedom of expression, mainly the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and this detention wouldn't have lasted for almost five months. Now, I shall say in my final hearing that the humanitarian community, represented by the UN Secretary-General, the high commissioner for human rights, and main human rights organizations such as Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, Human Rights First and many others, and hundreds of international parliamentarians, examined my statements that are being used in this case as proof to convict me and the charges raised against me and they have all given their judgement and agreed upon one clear and honest statement which is that these charges are false and contradict with freedom of expression that is internationally guaranteed and that Ali Salman is a prisoner of conscience who should be immediately released and whose charges should be dropped as well.

This is the international and humanitarian community's judgement based on facts and knowledge and its awareness of the charges and proof it's based on.

May Allah make this country safe, bestow upon its people profits and special gifts, unite their hearts and bring them together with goodness, love and guidance.

May the peace, mercy, and blessings of Allah be upon you

Ali Salman